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Monday, May 08, 2006
Thai Court Orders New Elections
Excerpt from CNA article: Specifically, the court found that the date of the election was unfair, and that the arrangement of polling stations had compromised the secrecy of the ballot, Paiboon said. "The court found the April 2 election date was inappropriate and unfair, which contravenes the Election Commission's duty to organize free and fair elections," Paiboon said. "The arrangement of the polling stations also violated the requirement for voting to be done in secret," he added.
The complaint to the court -- filed by a law lecturer and a Thai election watchdog -- had argued that the election date was set only 37 days after parliament was dissolved, and had not given opposition parties enough time to organize campaigns.
37 days?! What's wrong with these Thai opposition parties. Clearly not 1st World standard. They had 37 days and they're not satisfied. What do they mean, 'unconstitutional'? Are they calling Singapore unconstitutional? After all, Parliament was dissolved on April 20, and Nomination Day was on April 27. That leaves seven days to organize, and nine days for hustings -- 16 whole days. That's less than half the time the Thais got, and they're calling it unconstitutional indeed. Singapore is such an efficient country where opposition parties can campaign the most in the fewest days. Thailand should take a leaf from our book.
Posted at 11:43 pm by gaylegoh
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Vaclav Havel was the last president of former USSR satellite state Czechoslovakia and the first President of the Czech Republic. Reading John Lewis Gaddis' book The Cold War, I came across a mention of Havel that struck a chord so resonant and strong that it might well have been a direct message to me, as a Singaporean. I felt I had to share it with you.
Havel did not call for outright resistance: given the state's police powers, there would have been little point in that. Instead he encouraged something more subtle, developing standards for individual behavior apart from those of the state. People who failed to do this, he wrote, "confirm the system, fulfill the system, make the system, are the system." But people who were true to what they themselves believed - even in so small a matter as a brewer deciding to brew better beer than the official regulations called for - could ultimately subvert the system. "[W]hen one person cries out, 'The emperor is naked!' - when a single person breaks the rules of a game, thus exposing it as a game - everything suddenly appears in another light, and the whole crust seems then to be made of a tissue on the point of tearing, and disintegrating uncontrollably."
p191-192, John Lewis Gaddis: The Cold War
Havel was a staunch advocate of non-violence to achieve change. He led the Czech people out of the totalitarian system they had lived in under the USSR in the Velvet Revolution (termed such because of its non-violent nature) of 1989, as their President, and was re-elected after the creation of the independent Czech Republic state soon after, in 1993. He was the one who coined the phrase 'post-totalitarianism', which he described as a state wherein people could 'live within a lie'.
That describes Singapore perfectly. Our 'prosperity and progress' government has carefully constructed a system which is comfortable to live and thrive in. It is one that enables us, all too easily, to look away from the trash heap beneath the bed, because it makes us uncomfortable. We can afford to ignore so many things because of our easy lives. But what's left on that trash heap? Lives, reputations, common consideration for every layperson's rights and dignities. But it's alright, to most Singaporeans; in order for me to be safe and sound, the show must go on.
True enough, the country is calm. Calm as a morgue or a grave, would you not say? -- Havel.
A grave: what has died, what do we bury, what do we mourn? Hopes and aspirations, common sense? Yet perhaps it's easier not to ask too many questions. I've wondered countless times why I continue to dig this pit for myself by blogging about politics. I know others have done the same. If we quit now, if everyone just spontaneously - shut up - maybe the bad things will go away.
The tragedy of modern man is not that he knows less and less about the meaning of his own life, but that it bothers him less and less. -- Havel.
Except we shouldn't. That is what it comes down to, doesn't it? We could just look out for our own hides. We could just content ourselves with what we have. We could just go elsewhere if we're not satisfied. But what should we do? What is our fundamental moral obligation to our country?
Today, we do not need to revolt violently in order to achieve change. We do not need to jeopardize everything we have worked to create for the past forty-odd years. The revolution must happen within us before it can happen without. We have to realize that we can change the mindset, change the system, because we are not powerless, nor are we alone. I have to believe that by putting this post up on the Internet as a declaration of my vision of Singapore as a transparent and accountable democracy, I can move some people to think, some people to feel, some lie to unravel.
The exercise of power is determined by thousands of interactions between the world of the powerful and that of the powerless, all the more so because these worlds are never divided by a sharp line: everyone has a small part of himself in both. -- Havel.
The relationship of governance operates both ways: the act of governing, and the act of being governed. If we do not hold up our end, if we do not agree with how we are being governed, then that relationship is fundamentally altered. They don't get to determine the outcome of the equation. Havel is right when he says, furthermore, that 'everyone has a small part of himself in both'. The powerful are powerful because we have placed them there, and given them that power over us. The question is: now what?
In the coming posts, I'm not going to indulge myself in too much griping any longer. My piece has been said, and now it's time to turn my attention to actually scrutinizing the coming developments and issues that determine Singaporean politics. But this principle, this underlying principle that Havel articulates so brilliantly, will always be in the back of my mind as I do so. In whatever I write and say, both to utter strangers as well as to my friends and family, I will remember his words, and my aspirations. I hope you will undertake this journey with me.
Posted at 02:15 pm by gaylegoh
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Horrified: The Detainment of James Gome
"On other news: I heard today from an again unnamed source that more news will be revealed on the Gomez issue, and we're edging closer to a police investigation. That the PAP is unveiling its strategy in stages and we're only in an intermediate phase. Hmm. I have to go for class now, but I'll leave you with that thought."
I am well and truly shaken. It seems my source (someone who has been involved with the Young PAP) was right. I couldn't bring myself to really believe him, and people I talked to -- Charissa for instance, another blogger, was confident they wouldn't as she felt they 'wouldn't dare'. Yes, well, they did.
The PAP has tried to distance itself from the affair, with Lee Hsien Loong claiming he had no idea. But the detainment has the party's stamp seared all over it. Come on -- detained at the airport the day after Polling Day? On a complaint filed by the Elections Department? That is the most blatantly engineered thing ever.
I wonder what were Gomez's thoughts as he was being led away. Why was he even at the airport that day, so soon after the results were announced? Interjit Singh mentioned in his statement that Gomez had told him that he had only just joined a Swedish outfit and if he was elected into power he would have to give up his Swedish job. Did Gomez think to himself: they can do whatever they want -- if they break me now, I can always walk away? If he did, can we blame him?
Did he see his dreams fade away from him as his journey ended, poignantly, in a terminal? He thought he was going to fly away, and at the last moment they clipped his wings. As he looked at Changi Airport shrink into the distance, while the police car sped away, did he regret caring for our country? Did he tell himself he shouldn't have cared? Singapore, in that moment, will have become the enemy. The prison, the cold and scornful state. Our home, our country, will have become a stranger. And they wonder why we turn away. And they wonder why we leave. I half feel like being on that plane to Sweden myself.
The government has demonstrated the reach of its power. I am a seventeen year old -- I was not politically aware when JB Jeyaratnam, Tang Liang Hong, or even Chee Soon Juan were facing the height of their problems. Now, the James Gomez affair will be forever branded into my consciousness as the first time it was well and truly impressed upon me the painful reach of our Singaporean government.
The government which we voted in yesterday, 6th May, 2006. The government two thirds of Singapore placed their hopes, their dreams, their future in. I shed tears for Gomez -- for we put them there. We placed the garlands around their neck and we led them, cheering, down the streets.
Remember this:
We, the citizens of Singapore, pledge ourselves as one united people, regardless of race, language or religion, to build a democratic society, based on justice and equality, so as to achieve happiness, prosperity and progress for our nation.
Something has been lost from the heart of the pledge, that awesome and sacrosanct vow. When I recite my pledge to my nation tomorrow morning in assembly I will do so to my nation, for my nation -- not for the PAP. I will do so, and I will think of James Gomez.
Thousands of Singaporeans stood as one and recited this at the last Workers' Party rally with a sense of what it truly means. Those very same Singaporeans will let this go. They will forgive, they will forget. Singaporeans have a short memory of wrongs. Where is the conscience of our race?
I'm far too disturbed to write any more. I will sleep uneasily tonight. And tomorrow I will be looking over my shoulder wondering how long, how long it will be before it is our turn to pay the price for our poor memories.
Posted at 01:11 pm by gaylegoh
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Sunday, May 07, 2006
Here are the results of the General Elections 2006, in the order that they were announced in. Where relevant, I have contrasted the results to those of 2001, in other words, wherever we have seen the constituency contested in the last election, I have put the results side by side.
Yio Chu Kang PAP 68.27%
SDA 31.73%
Hougang PAP 37.26% (down from 45.02% in 2001) WP 62.74% (up from 54.98% in 2001)
MacPherson PAP 68.48% (down from 83.73% in 2001)
SDA 31.52% (up from DPP's 16.27% in 2001)
Bukit Panjang PAP 77.18%
SDP 22.82%
Joo Chiat PAP 65.01% (down from 83.55% in 2001) WP 34.99% (up from 16.45% in 2001)
Chua Chu Kang PAP 60.37% (down from 65.34% in 2001)
SDA 39.63% (up from 34.66% in 2001)
Jalan Besar GRC PAP 69.26% (down from 74.49% in 2001) SDA 30.74% (up from 25.51% in 2001)
Nee Soon East PAP 68.72% (down from 73.68% in 2001) SDA 31.28% (up from 26.32% in 2001)
Potong Pasir PAP 44.16% (down from 47.57% in 2001) SDA 55.84% (up from 52.43% in 2001)
Tampines GRC PAP 68.51 (down from 73.34% in 2001)
SDA 31.49 (up from 26.66% in 2001)
Nee Soon Central PAP 65.37% (down from 78.52% in 2001)
WP 34.63% (up from 21.48% in 2001)
Ang Mo Kio GRC PAP 66.13%
WP 33.87%
East Coast GRC PAP 63.85% WP 36.15%
Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC PAP 68.7% WP 31.3%
Aljunied GRC PAP 56.06%
WP 43.94%
Sembawang GRC PAP 76.6% SDP 35.4%
PAP: 82 seats Opp: 2 seats Reference: http://www.elections.gov.sg/past_parliamentary2001.htm
The opposition did not gain any seats in this year's election, dashing many of our hopes. But to really determine the significance of GE 2006, we have to look beyond the number of seats they captured in Parliament. We look beyond that to see how Singapore has snubbed the PAP. In every single constituency that was contested both in 2001 and in 2006, the PAP's mandate has fallen. And conversely, of course, the opposition has gained a stronger share of votes. It shows a simple truth: given more time and more exposure to the campaigning of the opposition, given the PAP's mis-steps and backfiring strategies, given more freedom of choice, Singapore has chosen to talk back to the governing party. From the so-called landslide victory of 75%, they have backslid to garnering only 66.6% of the votes. Lee Hsien Loong fared unconvincingly against the 'gan si dui'. For all his blustering against the suicide squad of young WP members, 66% is not exactly an awe-inspiring percentage to capture. It isn't even the strongest mandate given among the various constituencies! In fact, the mandate given in Ang Mo Kio is the third lousiest/fifth ranked among the seven GRCs: a middling to low result. Not a statement of faith by any means, given that Lee is our Prime Minister. So much for wanting to win 80% of the votes. So: looks like the WP candidates have made their mark and are here to stay. Residents glum about Aljunied victory. With PAP voters likely holed up in their apartments, the coffeeshop where the Mediacorp reporter was speaking from was subdued, glum and disinterested in contrast to the rauccous and jubilant celebrations in Hougang and Potong Pasir. A couple of residents glanced nonchalantly at the camera, and most had their backs turned. If the streets and coffeeshops of Aljunied are the pulse of the constituency, then I'll say it's not beating any faster on account of the close PAP victory. No toasts made to you. With the WP only losing by a mere 6% of votes, Aljunied is only seeing the beginning. Hougang and Potong Pasir held their ground resoundingly, strengthening Low's and Chiam's mandates. The residents of these two communities snubbed the PAP's offer of $100 million and $80 million respectively, showing that money can't buy votes. Instead of the mandate of the opposition weakening in these constituencies, it strengthened. The revellers dancing, clapping and shouting in the coffeeshops are testimony to this stunning and inspiring truth. They've weathered through the siege and I have nothing but love and admiration for them. These reasons might help to explain the string of sad faces shown on the Channelnewsasia website immediately after the results were released.       Only PM Lee is perky in his picture, and even he looked vaguely harried while he was being interviewed, and was evasive when asked questions such as "how would you describe this year's elections?", saying only, "there will be time for that later".
So far, my friends have expressed disappointment. I would urge all of you not to feel this way. To me, the results are optimistic, and have taken Singapore a step closer to our dream of a more open system and an empowered democracy. These elections gave Singaporeans a chance to speak, and they have spoken: you can stay in your Parliament seats, but don't expect me to be happy about it. I'm not.
Posted at 02:02 am by gaylegoh
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Saturday, May 06, 2006
It's 10:15pm, and I'm just some minutes away from the first announcements regarding the results. I just wanted to get in a few last words to capture the feeling. In just minutes, a new age will begin, and we'll have to turn our attention to the flurry of commenting on who won what and who lost what and why and if we're happy or sad and what should have been done that wasn't done and so on and so forth. For now, for these last minutes, I am torn between wanting to know, and not wanting to know. Not knowing is a deliciously ambiguous feeling, a space of freedom wherein I can tell myself that it's anybody's game. Whatever the results, I will remember this feeling. It will not end here of course; Singapore's politics will last for as long as our country is on the face of the planet, may that be a damn good long time amen hallelujah. There will be more elections, more issues, more challenges, more topics of discourse. But for now, for tonight, for 6th May 2006, it feels damn good to be a Singaporean waiting to discover the future of her country. I'll be back later when the results are known. Singapore holds her breath.
Posted at 11:13 pm by gaylegoh
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Friday, May 05, 2006
The Impeccable Character of PM Lee
"Suppose you had 10, 15, 20 opposition members in Parliament. Instead of spending my time thinking what is the right policy for Singapore, I'm going to spend all my time thinking what's the right way to fix them, to buy my supporters votes..."
-- PM Lee, 3rd May 2006
I think PM Lee says it better himself than I ever could.
Posted at 05:03 pm by gaylegoh
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Time is GMT + 8 hours Posted: 04 May 2006 2046 hrs
PM Lee says Singapore's future is key issue in General Election  By S. Ramesh, Channel NewsAsia
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SINGAPORE : Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has said the most important issue in this General Election is Singapore's future.
He asked for a strong mandate on May 6, so that he and his People's Action Party (PAP) team can take the country forward.
Speaking at a news conference on Thursday, Mr Lee made it clear that there are bigger issues at the polls than opposition candidate James Gomez.
The James Gomez issue has dominated campaigning the last few days, and Mr Lee wants to put it aside.
Mr Lee said he should not have waited for the Workers' Party to respond with details of what exactly happened.
He said the PAP had taken the matter as far as it can for now.
Mr Lee said: "I am not letting it go, that's why I am saying after elections there will have to be a proper public resolution. Right now, the more urgent priority is polling and I want people to be in the right frame of mind when they vote, and to have the right considerations as they sit down today, tomorrow, before they vote, to think what they want to do."
The campaign for the 2006 General Election is nearly over, and Mr Lee said he wanted to refocus on what this election is all about.
Mr Lee said: "I called this election for three purposes. First, to secure a mandate for myself and my team. Secondly, to decide on the future of Singapore and thirdly, to endorse a new team of leaders and MPs to take us forward in the next 15, 20 years.
"In one word, this election is about our future. We have presented the manifesto many times and you are familiar with it. What does it mean? Cast it in a different way, it means Peace and Prosperity for Singapore - PAP."
Oh, so now they want to talk about 'key issues' -- with one day left in the campaigning process! Gee whiz, the PAP must be really concerned about our future to devote one whole day to discussing key issues. How sad that Singaporeans only got to pick up their newspapers today and read the PAP's last word on 'key issues' on Friday, when by Saturday night we'll know the polling results.
I think the PAP figured out they can't really pull the wool over Singaporeans' eyes any longer with this issue. Not a single person I've talked to buys the PAP story about how Gomez wants to 'wayang' his way into deceiving everyone. Everyone's sick, tired, scornful, and now they want to talk about 'key issues'. My dad would say: my toe can laugh.
I don't think we've seen the last of the Gomez issue. But for now the PAP is beating a tactical retreat to get in the last word on the key issues that have swung this election. But I don't think it'll work. I think they went too far this time, and that the Opposition, in contrast, has conducted themselves in a far more dignified and honourable manner than Them Who Shall Not Be Named. The Opposition's concerns have been consistent and pushed for: Healthcare costs. Upgrading. Means testing. Transparency. And what is the PAP doing? Running away. On the issue of healthcare costs: no answer. On the issue of selective upgrading being unethical: no answer. On the issue of means testing: we'll talk about it later, and anyway maybe we won't implement it after all. On the issue of transparency: Gomez, Gomez, Gomez -- which people don't buy.
Tomorrow we'll know if Singaporeans decided to let them get away with it. I hope not. I think not. I think tomorrow we'll make them hurt, maybe not too much, but enough for them to know that they can't play this game with us for very much longer. No landslide victory, no 75% mandate this time round.
Singaporeans, please let me believe in you. Lee Hsien Loong got one thing right -- it is about our future. That is the real 'key issue': if we want our future to continue to be one of being bullied, cowed, and distracted into being yes-people, or if we can find it in ourselves to be something more. Something greater. Not just a rich country behind whose back everyone laughs at, but a country with real dignity, who can't be pushed around.
They wanted me to care. They said they put me in a cream-of-the-crop education system and spent money on me so I would care. They wrote in my Social Studies textbook that I had to care. Now I care, and I dare them to tell me to care in any other way.
Melodramatic? Yeah. Angsty? Rather. It's not that I'm not self-aware ;) I generally disdain ranting and raving and white-noise diatribes. But I think tonight, I have that right -- no, I have that obligation, to dare to feel something for the key issue of our future. And I will make no bones about it, nor apologies. Cheers everyone: tomorrow we will know.
Posted at 03:20 pm by gaylegoh
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Thursday, May 04, 2006
What Really Happens in the Straits Times?
It's obvious that the Singaporean media has a clear bias towards one party, It Which Must Not Be Named. I don't think the newspapers are exactly a propaganda machine, as most bloggers claim -- opposition views do come up, albeit in a less frequent and more shallow manner. Once in awhile alternative opinions are offered. But though the censorship and bias is subtle, it is also apparent. Now, our journalists are educated, articulate, intelligent people, and we can only assume that the editors are too. So why is this bias coming through?
I do know by virtue of association some people who work for the Straits Times, either as journalists or in high-level executive positions. The problem is convincing any of them to speak up, for fear of retaliation from the person who commands the payroll. Former Deputy Prime Minister Tony Tan is the current chairman of Singapore Press Holdings, which publishes the Straits Times, and owns a 40% stake in MediaCorp, who broadcasts television news and publishes Today. That is pretty formidable to journalists, and understandably so. Straits Times journalists are pretty damn well-paid, and this naturally makes it all the more difficult for them to take a step that would jeopardize their careers or the food they're able to bring to the table. This means two things; first of all, no one is going to step up and commit to what's been going on in the press, because that's putting their head on the chopping block. Secondly, even if I hear things -- and I do -- that give me insight into how things work, everything I say will only be hearsay, because I don't have the right to put other people in that kind of uncomfortable and threatening situation by telling the world who said what.
Let me just hypothetically say that the journalists largely exercise self-censorship. When they do not, they hypothetically face the dismembering and disfiguration of their articles. This is because the editors are hypothetically afraid of reproach from the higher-ups. Hypothetically, they justify it to themselves by saying that 'every newspaper must take a stand', and that no newspaper is free from bias. Hypothetically, once in awhile when editors step out of line, they may receive a stern reprimand. But I don't think that there is any active persecution of journalists. I don't think there is anyone telling them what to write and how. I don't even think there are consciously expressed instructions of what is acceptable and what isn't. I think it's more of an unspoken understanding. That's curious about Singaporeans -- a law here, a law there, and they shrink back into their shells. Are we really under so much pressure? Do we do it to ourselves, and have we ourselves to blame?
The white elephant T-shirt incident, where RGS girls sold T-shirts with the white elephant on them in a form of mild political protest, was extremely illuminating. The police issued warnings to them -- but on whose instructions? I don't think the head of the ISD woke up one morning, read about it and went 'tell those girls we will lock them up if they continue to sell those T-shirts'. I think it was more like the police chief thinking, oh no, will I be in trouble if I let this carry on? Is my job at stake? Hence the ridiculous action taken of clamping down on the kids.
We're a society who lives in a self-bounded prison of our own fears. I've always felt that the most important part to freedom is realizing that we are free. What holds us in, what stops us from realizing it, are all arbitrary constructs that very often have little potential to really harm us. Yes, we are judicious. Yes, we are wary. Yes, we are cautious. But it doesn't mean that we should resort to paranoia, or assumption that everyone who speaks out will be persecuted. I have a friend who says her family will be voting for the PAP because her relatives, father included, are in prominent positions in society. Here's a curious thing -- not a single person I've talked to believes that the vote is secret. I'm the only person who thinks it is. Maybe I'm naiive, or maybe I'm right: that the PAP, being such a legalistic party who prides itself on non-corruption, wouldn't put itself at risk by doing that. That the PAP is arrogant enough to feel that they can get by without doing that (and they can). What gives them this license? Ourselves, our fears, our active imaginations, our assumptions, our fetters.
On other news: I heard today from an again unnamed source that more news will be revealed on the Gomez issue, and we're edging closer to a police investigation. That the PAP is unveiling its strategy in stages and we're only in an intermediate phase. Hmm. I have to go for class now, but I'll leave you with that thought.
Posted at 10:19 am by gaylegoh
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Tuesday, May 02, 2006
Do We Owe Our Existence to the People's Action Party?
We have been hardwired since young to be grateful in everything to the People's Action Party. We have been conditioned to accept the abrogation of our democratic freedoms as a necessary inconvenience for the sake of prosperity. We have been primed to forgive any injustice committed by the ruling elite in the name of continued progress under the guidance of benevolent paternalism -- the government knows best.
I remember the issue being discussed countless times in class. Whether in an honestly indignant manner, or in the form of a light-hearted jest, or even a sardonic diatribe, my peers and I have raised our protests against the form of rule present in Singapore to our elders. Time and time again, I have heard the same answer: that is the sacrifice. Freedom is less important than stability. Stability has given us prosperity.
Now, in the heat of the elections, the same thing is once more on everyone's lips. Freedom is less important than stability. Stability has given us prosperity. We owe everything to the PAP. Without them, we wouldn't be here today. After all, there was a time when people said that Singapore won't make it -- but we did!
Let's do ourselves the favour of honesty today, and ask if what the PAP accomplished for Singapore was really such a miracle. Let's ask ourselves if it's been worth the sacrifice.
Singapore has long been known as one of the four East Asian tigers, which also include Hong Kong, South Korea and Taiwan. These countries were part of the Newly Industrialised Economies, which emerged in the 1960's, mostly a product of decolonization, and faced the challenge of industrialisation and development in an increasingly globalised world where other countries had already had a headstart.
Nevertheless, the four tigers followed a generic formula to success; rapid industrialisation and an export-oriented economy, with the aid available from various external agents including the World Bank, the IMF, and of course the then-hegemonic United States, who had virtually reconstructed the post-war economies worldwide in a colossal, unilateral effort. Their currencies were devalued to make their goods cheaper, and foreign advisers were brought into the countries to offer their expert opinions on the situation (the famous Dr. Albert Winsemius, in Singapore's case). The governments focussed their efforts onto education, as well as expansionary fiscal policies to create jobs and stimulate their infant economies.
Singapore had natural economic advantages to help her on her way to achieve the stunning growth she has displayed. Chief among them, perhaps, was her strategic location along major trading routes leading to the Far East, hence Singapore's invaluable contribution to British profiteering in Southeast Asia during the age of colonialism. Bustling port activity had already given her a headstart in development in comparison to Malaysia. In fact, the different nature of Singapore's far more developed, industrialised and high-end economy in the years of de-colonization as opposed to Malaysia's less developed, more agrarian economy was a very big worry on the part of the British, and one of the foremost reasons raised why Singapore should not merge with Malaysia. Singapore had already displayed not only a potential for, but also a track record of prosperity and development before the PAP was ever in the picture.
It is therefore perfectly understandable why, given these natural advantages as well as the favourable climate of the international economy at that time (it was during the period which has been termed the 'Golden Age of Capitalism', lasting from 1947 to 1974, and flanked by the Marshall Plan and the OPEC oil crisis), the East Asian tigers flourished and prospered. So what, if anything set Singapore apart? What was unique about our development strategy?
The answer comes, predictably, in the form of strict governance -- not in the mere presence of strictness, as some degree of authoritarianism was exercised in the early stages of Taiwan's and South Korea's development as well. But Singapore is unique in the extent of its authoritarianism, and the length of time during which this authoritarian rule has been sustained. Labour unions were de-politicised, collective bargaining power restricted, and trade union interests were subordinated to those of the State. [Note: please don't believe a word of what Lee Hsien Loong says when he tries to make it sound like it's better for workers this way because Union leaders have a place in Cabinet. While I applaud his rhetorical twist and his laudable optimism in seeing the glass as half full, let's not kid ourselves -- they are Ministers in charge of the Unions, not Union leaders in charge of the country.] In addition to the labour restrictions, we also saw high levels of government involvement and ownership in production, financing and marketing through the existence of statutory boards. Beyond economics, we also saw a strong government presence in the media, and tight restrictions placed on the freedom of speech, assembly, protest., and so on.
In South Korea, we also did see suppression of labour movements, but this at least came with a guarantee of a minimum wage; the Singaporean government gave us no such guarantee. Furthermore, the proliferation of government/ex-government ministers in so many sectors -- the media, the union congress, etc., meant a depth of intervention unparalleled in the East Asian tigers. Singapore too has been the only country out of the original four to still hang on to its authoritarianism. South Korea has long abandoned the suppression of the labour movement, since 1987 in fact. What were the results of our authoritarian regime? Lower wages, lots of rich government-linked companies who had access to our national reserves, and people who couldn't complain. Good things in and of themselves, perhaps, but hardly instrumental in Singapore's success. No, that was predicated on the other constants which had held true in South Korea, Hong Kong and Taiwan who had not embarked on similarly interventionist policies, with the exception perhaps of South Korea, where the chaebols crowded out many competing firms in production, contributing towards South Korea's collapse in the Asian Crisis of 1997-1998. Hong Kong adopted positive non-interference, becoming the most extreme example of a free-market economy in the world, while Taiwan took the route of passive interference, with gradually declining government intervention as the years went on. That's with regards to economics -- with regards to things like press freedom, one only has to look to the Reporters Without Borders' index of press freedom today. South Korea is 48th, Taiwan is 60th, Hong Kong is 34th, Singapore is 147th. Please, don't tell me Singapore's economy will die if we have a free press.
All these countries achieved sterling growth, but the important thing to note is that an all-knowing, clairvoyant, authoritarian government that repressed freedoms and compromised on democracy was not necessary to achieving this growth. The 'constants' earlier mentioned which determined the East Asian tigers' success were factors like the access to foreign aid, available 1st world markets, the Confucian work ethic, et alii. The biggest justifications for our enforced stability, which were capital inflow and the benefits of foreign direct investment, were also constants available to these countries, not exclusive to Singapore in any way. Our contemporaries today enjoy success, progress, and stability with a free media, with labour unions, with less government intervention in the economy.
What are the questions this leads us to ask? Can we bear to admit to ourselves that our carefully-constructed world of police permits and suppressed labour unions and government involvement in large corporations did not need to be constructed for us to be enjoying the benefits of prosperity and consumerism today? If we can admit this, then what is our debt to the PAP? One of gratitude, certainly for their astute leadership. But not one of mindless bondage, not one of servitude, and not one of complete absolution and endorsement of the tactics by which they have achieved success. No longer should we say, "of course things should be this way, otherwise Singapore wouldn't be Singapore". If so, then South Korea wouldn't be South Korea, Taiwan wouldn't be Taiwan, Hong Kong wouldn't be Hong Kong, and Japan wouldn't be Japan. All these economies are either in close competition with us, our ahead of us today.
So the next time the PAP cadres stand up and say, our Ministers must be in our trade union in order for there to be progress and stability, the next time they say we must not have free speech or 'too much democracy' in order for there to be progress and stability, the next time they say the PAP and only the PAP can give us progress and stability, let us remember two things. Let us remember firstly that our economic success was due to a range of other, more instrumental factors which had to do with luck, coincidental timing and natural advantage, rather than suppression. Then let us remember also, that progress and stability, movies, toys, games, fabrics, gadgets, dollars and cents, are not the sum and whole of human welfare, which must include always the dignity of choosing the proxies by which we govern our own lives as a mature and civic society free of fear, oppression and systematic propaganda. Let us no longer accept excuses.
Posted at 10:16 pm by gaylegoh
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Monday, May 01, 2006
Mediacorp tonight was disgusting in its coverage of the Gomez incident. First showing a PAP man asking for answers from James Gomez, answers to stupid questions like "Why did you need a lawyer to draft your apology statement?" (because if not, you'd sue him like you did all his colleagues, numbnuts), then the newscaster/commentator saying "But till now, there have been no answers...On the other hand, the PAP has been consistent since Day One with its message...With one opposition creating more questions than answers, and another with discord in its ranks..." Those were the snippets I could remember, because I didn't have my camera on hand to record everything with. The bias in the news seems to be stepping up in the last few days leading up to Polling Day. If you're wondering why, look at this: PAP rally in Pasir Ris Park, 1st May, where I was at earlier. According to my estimate, the crowd numbered in the hundreds. Then look at this:  Workers' Party Rally at Hougang, on 30th April, which I attended last night. Photo courtesy of gecko. And this:  Alex Au of Yawning Bread estimates the crowd to be about 100 000-120 000 strong.
Honestly, if one were to predict the outcomes of the 2006 General Elections from the amount of interest generated by election rallies, then the Workers' Party and the SDP will be sharing a landslide victory this year. Unfortunately, one can't afford the luxury of such prediction. One would have to consider two sorts of people -- the type who hang around opposition election rallies, laugh and clap and cheer, then go home and vote in the PAP, and the type who stay at home, relying on Mediacorp for all their information. The couch potatoes are key to an approaching PAP victory. Well, I had originally intended for this entry to be solely on the proceedings of the PAP Rally, but I was distracted by the news. On the subject of the rally, which concluded my weekend round in which I visited one rally each by the SDP, the WP and the PAP, I must say the PAP one was the most uninspiring. The crowd milled around, some chatting in low undertones to one another. The most exciting thing I saw all night was this: I asked the girls if I could take a picture of them and one of them promptly said 'no', while the other gestured me to somewhere I could take a picture from without being able to capture any identifying features. It was also hilarious when I found myself and the rest of the crowd being introduced to Comrade Lim, Comrade Low and Comrade Shanmugaratnam during my visit. What's with all this communist allusion? The Red Guards referred to each other as 'comrades'. Let's also not forget Comrade Lenin, Comrade Stalin, and our dear friend Comrade Mao. Does anyone remember Lee Hsien Loong saying he wants to let 'one hundred flowers bloom' in Singapore during his first-ever rally speech? That too was part of Mao's vision for communist China, in letting a 'a hundred flowers bloom, a hundred schools of thought contend'. Comrade Shanmugaratnam gets very excited while telling the crowd about the Outstanding Youth in Education Award (OYEA). Oh Yea, baby.
I stayed to listen to Tharman Shanmugaratnam and Penny Low address the crowd. Shanmugaratnam gave a predictable deluge of facts and statistics to illustrate how wonderful he's been at his job as Minister of Education, while Penny Low gave another barrage of examples which mostly had to do with widening roads and other upgrading projects with fancy acronyms. One thing about Penny Low: she is one scary woman! She kept yelling at the crowd anti-SDA things, trying to rouse them up into some sort of fervour. "SDA people in their trucks just go round and round and round! No direction! Round and round!"..."WHAT CAN THEY DO FOR YOU?!?", etc. As far as I could see, only the core supporters near the stage would cheer here and there, while the rest seemed to stand silent and vaguely discomfited. I'm very scared of her now :( I kept imagining her chasing after her kids with a rattan cane. That's one part of a larger reason why I left early, during Low's speech. The WP rally left me inspired, thoughtful, reflective, hopeful. The PAP one left me afraid, uncomfortable, and out of place. When the person I was with started to criticize Low, I couldn't help but look over my shoulder at the surrounding policemen in their neon green jackets, and wonder where the recording devices were. Oh well. Tomorrow I return to school, and I shan't be able to attend any more rallies for the rest of the week. I'm grateful in many ways for this weekend and the chances it gave me to both celebrate the presence of democracy, in the wide open fields, and lament the absence of it in the four walls of my living room.
Posted at 10:19 pm by gaylegoh
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disclaimer the author of this site has based all her personal opinions on what is known to her as fact. any error is made of ignorance, not malice, and is accordingly apologized for. any views and opinions expressed by other persons on this site are not the responsibility of the author, nor does she claim to espouse them.
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